JA! launches new report on coal finance in Mozambique, during climate justice conference

On the second day of our climate justice conference here in Maputo, Mozambique, with over 100 people in the room with us again today, JA! with our colleague Tim Jones from the Jubilee Debt Campaign, launched  a new report on the situation of coal finance in Mozambique.

tim and report launch

The report is titled: “The Economics of Coal: Where are its Benefits?” The English version of the report can be found on our Issuu page here. The introduction of the report lays out the situation perfectly:

“Despite much talk, the anticipated coal mining boom in Mozambique has never taken off. Just three mines are operating, probably exporting just over 4 million tonnes of coal in 2015 (compared to claims of 30 million tonnes of exports just a few years ago). Internally there have been difficulties in transporting coal from Tete province to the coast, and coal produced has been of a lower quality than expected. Externally, the price of coal has been falling over recent years and collapsed in 2015 as China’s construction boom ended, and major economies have begun to turn away from coal given its high local and global pollution costs.

Today, all the existing coal mines operating in Mozambique are running at a loss, and there can be little expectation of further development based on current global coal prices. However, even if coal prices did recover, the costs of coal
mining in Mozambique far outweigh the benefits.

In 2014, the Mozambique government received just 13% of revenue generated from coal mines, but it is likely that this percentage has fallen further with declines in coal price and profitability. Coal mining is likely to account for just 1% of the government’s total revenue, in 2015 between $44 million and $50 million. In contrast, we have identified more than $700 million of loans to the Mozambique government which were supposedly spent on transport infrastructure for the coal industry and technical advice on managing the coal industry. Even if these came with 0% interest rates, which they didn’t, it would take between 14 and 16 years at current revenue levels just to recoup this money. There is likely to be other public funding spent on infrastructure development for coal mines which we have not identified, or has not been made public.

Extractive industries by their nature employ few people. Currently there are at most 3,000 Mozambicans employed directly by the coal mines,4 with mining making up just 0.6% of employment in Tete province. In contrast, 3,500 families (around 17,000 people) have lost their farmland through the development of coal mines so far, many of whom have not received land of similar quality in return. Mining has had a net destructive impact on livelihoods.”

This report launch wasn’t the only highlight of the day. Today we heard from Trusha Reddy of the International Coal Network about the situation of coal worldwide, the need to end coal and she shared some coal struggles from across the world. We then heard from Vijayan M.J. of Programme for Social Action, India, speaking about some victories of the communities in India fighting back against coal and other infrastructure projects. He talked about the importance of not feeling alone, and linking struggles across continents, such as the struggle against Jindal Indian company, now operating in Mozambique. We then had a very strong and emotional panel, hearing from communities speaking out against the Vale and Jindal coal mining in Tete province of Mozambique, and from Matthews Hlabane from South Africa’s Mpumalanga province, demanding a revolution against the lying mine-owners everywhere.

All this happened before lunch! After lunch, we worked to denounce gas being called as a transition fuel. Mozambique has discovered a huge gas reserve off our northern coast, but we discussed how the emissions of gas are still really high, and the pollution and leaks are known to be horrific. We made connections between the current debt and financial crisis situation of Mozambique, linked to extensive borrowing which happened on the backs of the gas reserves.

The third and final day of the conference takes place tomorrow.

 

 

Maputo climate justice conference – Summary of the 1st day

“Seeding Climate Justice II” – Summary of Day 1 of Maputo Climate Justice Conference

Justiça Ambiental’s climate justice conference began this morning at 8.30 am at Kaya Kwanga in Maputo. This is the second Annual Conference on Climate Change he are hosting, under the name “Seeding Climate Justice II.” Over 100 people, in fact about 108 people participated in the first day of the meeting, including representatives of local communities from 10 out of 11 provinces across Mozambique, Maputo-based civil society organizations, government representatives, and community and NGOs from South Africa, Swaziland, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Nigeria, India, Sweden, United Kingdom, and more.

Anabela Lemos, Director of Justiça Ambiental welcomed the participants, hoping that we can continue this process and be together next year as well, so that we can together contribute to the strengthening of local social movements for climate justice. Anabela Lemos then invited the Minister of Land, Environment and Rural Development, Dr. Celso Correia to officially open the conference.

The Minister, Dr. Celso Correia, performed the official opening of the Conference, welcoming JA! for organizing the conference. He referred briefly to the history of the Mozambican Environment Ministry (known as MITADER), and the main issues of concern facing Mozambique, such as biodiversity loss, poaching, uncontrolled slaughter of our forests, referring to the conservation of these as a national imperative. He stressed the importance of building consensus, and the openness of the Ministry to work together with non-governmental organizations. The Minister put a challenge to JA! and the conference participants, that this conference should also be space to bring up solutions and build consensus for the numerous environmental problems that Mozambique is facing.

photo with celso correia

The conference proceeded with interesting presentations aimed to establish a common base of understanding of the current situation of climate change, the planetary crisis, why do we need to stay under 1.5 degrees, what does that even mean, what about the rights of impacted peoples or climate refugees. Then Nnimmo Bassey gave an overview of the link between climate, social and environmental injustice, which is still directly related to the models of “development” and the financial system that has been systematically implemented. He also spoke about the Paris Agreement, what did we gain and what did we lose, and how do we use those international spaces for connecting our struggles. Nnimmo also spoke about the spread of false solutions, financialisation of nature that we need to fight. A robust discussion followed, raising questions including the following:

  • the situation of climate crisis is so dire, sometimes it’s hard to care, but we have to, because this is a matter of justice, rich countries created the problem and we are going to die from it, this is an injustice that we need to fight;
  • what about the corporate capture of the UN negotiations, multi-national companies that are sitting in the discussion with more access than the NGOs;
  • since governments signed the Paris Agreement they are doing the opposite and are going for more fossil fuels so it makes Paris Agreement even weaker than it is, because it is not legally binding;
  • when we talk about climate science, whose science are we talking about, because we know that science is not without politics;
  • we need to understand the true nature of African Renewable Energy Initiative so that it doesn’t turn into an initiative that we have to oppose;
  • we shouldn’t be seeing ourselves as victims, we need to hold the rich countries accountable, but we also have to build our movement so that we don’t go down the same path;
  • as civil society we need to look at ourselves and analyse how successful have we been in claiming the outside spaces that were ours in Paris;
  • and many many more relevant issues were raised and discussed.

 

“We have to ensure that global average temperature does not exceed 1.5 degrees is crucial, there is how to adapt to an average temperature rise higher than this … There is no way to adapt, there is nothing to adapt!”

Nnimmo Bassey: “The Paris agreement was for many an important step, but for what we value, it a step in the wrong direction.”

The conference will continue for 2 more days, with many presentations and interesting discussions.

 

JA! Hosts 2nd Climate Justice conference in Maputo

 

After a hugely successful climate justice conference last year, JA! Friends of the Earth Mozambique is hosting our 2nd climate justice conference on 31 August, 1 and 2 September.
Below please find a draft agenda of our meeting.
Even though the budget for this year’s meeting was even less than what we got last year, we are managing to bring together about 50 community people from all across Mozambique plus Mozambican civil society organisations and government officials. We also bringing together about 20 international people, including from Africa, Europe & Asia. The countries represented are Mozambique, South Africa, Swaziland, Lesotho, Zimbabwe, Kenya, Nigeria, United Kingdom, Sweden, India and Japan.
And the Mozambican Minister for Environment, Land and Rural Development is officially opening the conference!
We hope to make this a yearly conference, and hope you all will plan to join us for this in the future.
thanks
from the JA! team
JA logo small                FoE Moz logo small

 

 

FINAL AGENDA

“SEEDING CLIMATE JUSTICE II”

31 August – 2 September 2016

Maputo, Mozambique

 

Participants arrive – latest 30 August

 

DAY ONE: 31 August (Wednesday)

 

Time Item Speaker/ Facilitator
07.30 – 08.30 Registration of all participants  
08.30 – 08.45 Welcome note

 

 

Official Opening: H.E. Minister Celso Correia – MITADER

ANABELA LEMOS, Director – JA!

 

 

 

08.45 – 9.30 Short Introduction of participants Facilitator/ All

 

Intro to Main Big Picture Climate Reality Session Moderator
9.30 – 9.45 Maputo declaration from 2015 & where has the world come since then Samuel Mondlane
9.45 – 10.00

 

Planetary Crisis – introduction, urgency for action on climate change (climate science, 1.5°, tipping points, carbon budget, impacted peoples) dipti bhatnagar
10.00 – 10.15 Explaining the post-Paris scenario, what did we win and what did we lose in Paris, how we use the international spaces for inter-connecting our struggles Nnimmo Bassey
10.15 – 10.45 Debate All
10.45 – 11.15 Coffee Break All
11.15 – 11.45 False solutions – the problems with net zero, geoengineering and financialisation of nature and real world consequences of false solutions Nnimmo Bassey
11.45 – 12.00 Big dams as a false solution to the climate crisis Rudo Sanyanga
12.00 – 13.00 Debate All
13.00 – 14.00 Lunch  
Intro to Session on Mozambican Climate Change Platform Moderator
14.00 – 14.30 Mozambique Climate Change Platform presentation & debate Manuel Cardoso
   
14.30 – 16.15 Economic injustice feeds climate change: Corporate power, commodities markets, debt and the international climate negotiations Ruth Nyambura and Tim Jones
     
16.15 – 16.30 Wrap Up & close Day 1 One of the participants
16.30 – 17.00 Coffee and snacks and then people can leave All

 

DAY TWO: 1 September (Thursday)

Time Item Speaker/ Facilitator
08.30 – 08.45 Overview of Day 1 One of the participants
Intro to Coal and Climate Session Moderator
8.45 – 9.00 Framing the debate on coal – why does it need to end now, how coal finance angle can be used in coal campaigning, etc (Include the international scenario on fights against coal) Trusha Reddy
9.00 – 9.15 Presenting the Indian context on coal – coal fights in India as well as Indian coal companies operating in Africa Vijayan M.J.
9.15 – 9.30 Hearing from the Jindal and Vale Mozambican coal affected communities, including information about the recent southern African Peoples’ Tribunal held in Swaziland Anabela Lemos, Gizela Zunguze
9.30 – 10.30 Communities speak out about coal impacts they are facing Affected communities, Vale, Jindal, Mpumalanga
10.30 – 11.00 Coffee Break All
11.00 – 13.00 Launch of JA coal report, talking about the economics of coal in Mozambique. Tim Jones
13.00 – 14.00 Lunch Break All
Intro to Gas and Climate Session  
14.00 – 14.15 Framing around why Gas is not a transition fuel Daniel Ribeiro
14.15 – 14.30 Presentation by CIP (Contracts) CIP
14.30 – 14.45 Presentation by CTV about gas (Resettlement and compensation) CTV
14.45 – 15.00 Presentation by Grupo de Divida (Debt and resources) Grupo de Divida
15.00 – 15.30 Coffee Break All
15.30 – 16.45 Debate All
16.45 – 17.00 Overview & Closing One of the participants
     

 

DAY THREE: 2 September (Friday)

Time Item Responsible/Speaker
08.30 – 08.45 Overview of Day 2

 

One of the participants
Intro to real peoples’ solutions to the climate crisis, and way forward  
8.45 – 9.00 Good energy solutions – what kind of energy solutions do we want for the world, with examples dipti bhatnagar
9.00 – 9.15 Micro Hydro as a solution Domingos Neto, Associacao Kwaedza Simukai Manica
9.15 – 9.35 Community forest management            as a real solution to the climate crisis, and challenges that communities face Rene Machoco, JA!

 

Communities from Mabu and  Muzo

Session on Food sovereignty, Agriculture and Land  
9.35 – 9.55 Agriculture, land and energy David Fig
9.55 – 10.15 Agroecology as a real peoples solution to the climate crisis, and challenges faced Elizabeth Mpofu
10.15 – 10.35 Agriculture challenges and solutions in Mozambique Renaldo Chingore
10.35 – 11.05 Coffee Break All
11.05 – 12.00 Recap the agriculture and land arguments & Debate Ruth (recap) Discussion – All
12.00 – 13.00 Linking Gender, Extractives & Climate Justice -including debate Ruth Nyambura and Mela Chiponde
13.00 – 14.00 Lunch All
14.00 – 15.30 Strategy and way forward in small groups All
15.30 – 16.30 Coming back to plenary to discuss next steps ahead All
16.30 – 17.00 Closing remarks Anabela Lemos
17.00 onwards Snacks and get together  

 

 

DENUNCIATION OF THE PARTNERSHIP BETWEEN WWF AND PROSAVANA

nao ao prosavana

For over three years social movements, peasant families, civil society organisations, religious organisations, scholars and concerned citizens that are part of the No to ProSavana Campaign have been resisting the implementation of ProSavana in the Nacala Corridor of Mozambique.[1] This project is the result of a partnership among the governments of Mozambique, Brazil and Japan, to promote agribusiness development in the Nacala Corridor, resulting in the violation of human rights and negative impacts on peasant agriculture and the environment.

Alliances among Mozambican, Brazilian and Japanese civil society organisations, among other actors, forced the postponement of Part II of ProSavana (the Master Plan) [2] as well as the organisation of public hearings with communities affected by ProSavana between April and June of 2015.[3] However, these hearings violated national and international laws,[4] including International Labour Organisation (ILO) Convention No. 169, which guarantees the right to free, prior and informed consent.[5]

We, organisations of civil society and social movements articulated in the No to ProSavana Campaign, denounce the current involvement of World Wildlife Fund (WWF) in ProSavana. We identified an alliance between WWF and MAJOL, the consultancy company hired by ProSavana’s promoters (in this case, JICA), to facilitate the dialogue between ProSavana and civil society.

It is unusual that the main facilitator of the dialogue, Mr. Peter Bechtel,[6] who today presents himself as a MAJOL consultant, had been a WWF manager for the Northern Region, where he managed the conservation areas of the Quirimbas Archipelago, Lake Niassa, and Primeiras e Segundas Archipelago.[7] During this period, Peter Bechtel and WWF funded and worked directly with civil society platforms and representatives that are currently involved in the partnership with ProSavana.

As members of the No to ProSavana Campaign, we condemn WWF’s use of its donor status to encourage civil society representatives to establish partnerships with ProSavana and the business sector, especially when it results in the violation of national and international laws that protect community rights. We also condemn the use of platforms, which have been an important tool for the exercise of citizenship, to impose international (individual and organisational) interests and agendas. Let us consider the following:

First, it is strange that Mr. Peter Bechtel, former WWF employee and currently the main mediator of the dialogue between ProSavana and civil society, has direct links with agribusiness in Mozambique, whether through the World Bank[8] or USAID.[9] These links are in breach of universal principles of mediation, such as the impartiality of the mediator and the parties’ free will, which create a conflict of interests.

Second, WWF attempted on multiple occasions to create civil society platforms without clear objectives, most of which were challenged by civil society. Without ever having been engaged in advocacy for ProSavana during the last three years, in only two months WWF strangely provided funds for the establishment of the ProSavana dialogue architecture. Further, Mr. Bechtel established questionable alliances with some of the representatives on the platforms, and became the coordinator of the dialogue mechanism mentioned above, as can be verified in the press release of the mechanism’s creation[10]—completely ignoring the work of national organisations involved in challenging ProSavana.

Third, the financial resources to set up the dialogue mechanism will be allocated by JICA (a proponent of ProSavana), including payments to experts that will be hired by the Rural Environment Observatory (OMR) to review the Master Plan.[11] Many independent studies argue that the current Master Plan does not meet the needs of peasant productive systems and pluriactive livelihoods, and demand that it be restructured. So it is strange that the OMR should review the plan (but in a non-structural and non-functional way, as outlined in the term of reference), eventually proposing an approach of “coexistence” between peasant agriculture and agribusiness.

Fourth, because they receive financial resources from JICA, both the dialogue mechanism and the OMR will be accountable to JICA.[12] This situation makes it impossible to ensure the impartiality and independence of these bodies.

Over the last few years, we have been following the ambiguous and disguised actions of WWF in Mozambique. With regard to its relationship with Mozambican civil society organisations, WWF has been imposing processes and the co-opting discussion spaces, such as the Agrofuels Platform and, more recently, the Alliance of Platforms, as well as the Dialogue Mechanism for ProSavana.

In 2009, UNAC and JA! published a study on jatropha and agrofuels in Mozambique, opening space for broad civil society debate, which resulted in a position document of many organisations committed to working on this topic. After a couple of months, WWF took over the discussion process, organising a meeting where it proposed to support the establishment of an agrofuels’ platform, that WWF would host and coordinate. On this occasion, WWF took many unilateral decisions without consulting the other member organisations of the platform—including the decision on the government’s involvement in internal discussions and deliberations. As a result, the majority of the members, including JA!, distanced themselves from the platform and from the collective struggle against biofuels.

In 2014, when WWF proposed the creation of the Alliance of Platforms, most of the civil society organisations present at the meeting agreed with the idea of an alliance, but argued that it should be coordinated by a Mozambican organisation instead of a foreign one. WWF ignored this request. The platform was established and is now coordinated by WWF, in its characteristic way of controlling decision-making and using its influence as a funder of many of the organisations that comprise this platform.

We do not agree with nor do we accept this sort of practice. The platforms should only exist if they are genuine representatives of the organisations they are composed of, based on open, transparent and democratic processes. Otherwise, there is no reason for them to exist. Moreover, they should not try to replace other civil society organisations that are not part of the platforms.

WWF is an international organisation that both implements its own projects and acts as a donor.  It co-opts spaces for debate, using its power and influence to manipulate discussion processes related to national concerns, such as ProSavana. As a result, it creates division among national organisations. And yet, curiously, it is the No to ProSavana Campaign that is being accused of defending outside interests. Shouldn’t we be questioning the interests of WWF?

Maputo, 7 March 2016.

logo UNAC   logo ADECRU   JA logo small  FoE Moz logo small

logo livaningo   logo liga   logo forum mulher   logo WMW

 

logo AAAJC

 

[1] http://www.dw.com/pt/sociedade-civil-lança-campanha-contra-o-prosavana-em-moçambique/a-17677729

[2] http://www.prosavana.gov.mz/prosavana-pd/?lang=pt-pt

[3] http://www.prosavana.gov.mz/auscultacao-publica-a-volta-da-versao-inicial-do-plano-director-do-prosavana/?lang=pt-pt

[4] https://adecru.wordpress.com/2015/06/04/chamada-dos-povos-para-invalidacao-imediata-da-auscultacao-publica-do-plano-director-do-prosavana/

[5] http://pro169.org/ilo-169/

[6] Minutes of the meeting on 11 and 12 January, https://adecru.files.wordpress.com/2016/02/acta-worshop-11-e-12-janeiro-final.pdf

[7] http://clarke.dickinson.edu/devel-mozambique/

[8] http://agtech.partneringforinnovation.org/docs/DOC-1589

[9] http://www.speed-program.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/2013-SPEED-Report-009-How-USAID-can-Assist-Mozambique-to-Cope-with-the-Impending-Resource-Boom-EN.pdf

[10] https://adecru.wordpress.com/2016/02/23/comunicado-de-imprensa-do-prosavana-sobre-o-alegado-mecanismo-de-dialogo/

[11]  https://adecru.files.wordpress.com/2016/02/acta-do-dia-18-19.pdf

[12] https://adecru.files.wordpress.com/2016/02/acta-do-dia-18-19.pdf

 

The Tragic Murder of Berta Caceres

In the early hours of the morning of 3rd March, Indigenous activist from Honduras and human rights defender, Berta Cáceres, was murdered in her home.
 
Berta Caceres 2015 Goldman Environmental Award Recipient

Berta Caceres in the Rio Blanco region of western Honduras. Photo courtesy: Goldman Environmental Prize

Berta organised her fellow indigenous Lenca people. She was the co-founder, in 1993, of the National Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH). She was addressing the constant threats posed to indigenous communities in Honduras by illegal logging, and was supporting their fight for their territories and secure their livelihoods. They were opposing the Agua Zarca dam on the sacred Gualcarque river, which was being pushed by Chinese and Honduran companies.
Berta Caceres 2015 Goldman Environmental Award Recipient

Berta Caceres at her beloved and sacred Gualcarque River where she, and the people of Rio Blanco have maintained a two year struggle to halt construction on the Agua Zarca Hydroelectric project. Photo courtesy: Goldman Environmental Prize

 
Since the US-backed military coup in Honduras in 2009, activists and human rights defenders have been under severe threat. Gustavo Castro Soto, from Otros Mundos Chiapas (Friends of the Earth Mexico) was in Berta’s home and is a witness to Berta’s killing. As of this writing, we are demanding that Honduran authorities provide him with safe passage to return to Mexico unharmed.
seguridadparagustavo
  Photo courtesy: Friends of the Earth International.

The Business of Manufacturing Doubt

We are a few short weeks away from what is meant to be an important event. An event where our world leaders get together to deal with one of the biggest threats of our time and to humanity as a whole: climate change. The event is the much-hyped COP 21 in Paris, France.

merchants of doubt- dany- cop21-label

Paris COP21 logo

Yet, almost everyone that really cares about stopping this climate catastrophe does not expect any major success or real solutions coming out of Paris this December. It is expected to be just another failed COP in a long line of endless failures of our leaders to have any backbone about dealing with climate change. And yes it just the political will that is potently lacking, because real solutions to the problem exist and people are working on such solutions every day.

So how can it be that after 21 long years of negotiations, we are still discussing and we still haven’t managed to figure out how to fix the problem of climate change in a global, binding and coordinated manner? The reasons are many, but there is one aspect of the problem that I would like to explore more, and which I feel has been a central cause of the problem around delayed action on climate change. That is the prevalence of manipulation of narratives, through “misdirection”, “distraction”, and “creation of doubt.”

In studying media coverage during the nineties until recently, we often saw an ongoing debate, often with one expert stating that climate change was happening and explaining the need for action, while another claimed that the science was unclear, complicated and that we needed to do more research and discussions before we do anything since that could cause major economic costs. This format gives the false impression that the scientific field is balanced in these different views, that there is still a debate to be had, that there are divergent opinion within the experts. If one looks at the time given to these two views, it is either equal time or in the case of some US channels actually more time is given to climate deniers then to the true experts.

Just in case some of you have been duped by this, it is useful to go through a quick timeline to understand how corporations and governments have been especially effective at redefining the narrative in the face of overwhelming evidence. As early as 1859 Tyndall shows the effect of greenhouse gases and suggested that increases in these gases could case climate change. In 1896 Arrhenius releases its first study calculating the effect of global warming from human emissions of CO2. Just a year later Chamberlin produced the first simple global carbon model with feedbacks, while Callendar in 1938 used records from 147 weather stations to show a correlation between temperature increase and CO2 concentrations. Since then more and more research has clearly showed the link between human-based emissions and climate change, such issues as data showing CO2 based global warming is underway, from the melting of Antarctic ice sheets, to complex global weather models showing the existence of climate change and much, much more all this already existed by the 1960s.

In the 1970s, numerous conferences and institutions starting raising concerns about climate change, with an ever-increasing consensus among leading scientists that serious global climate change was caused by humans and that action was necessary. In the 1970s there were still scientists and experts that had doubts, but as their own research continued one by one they shifted to the truth. By 1985, already 30 years ago, the Villach Conference had declared consensus among experts and called on governments to consider international agreements to restrict emissions.

The world reacted and in 1988 the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) was established and in 1990 they released their first report stating that the world was warming. In 2005, the Kyoto Protocol became the first international law to deal with climate change. Many felt it was too weak, but given that this was a first step, with a guarantee that stronger agreements were to follow, many felt that at least things looked like they were heading in the right direction. However, as we all know it didn’t go as hoped and the Kyoto Protocol died a slow, painful death around 2012 with no new binding global agreement to replace it. Reason seems to have retreated and it feels we are further away from a solution than we were even 10 years ago.

Today for every 100 research papers published on climate change, 99 support the reality of climate change. Don’t be surprised if the last one which doesn’t support the reality is funded by the fossil fuel industry. The problem is that decisions are not based on facts, but political and corporate interests. However, civil society can be a major thorn in the side of these narrow corporate interests; hence defining a narrative to their interests becomes an important part of continued corporate control of our spaces and government.

The public relations type approach that corporates use to develop their narratives is not fine-tuned to facts but rather to peoples’ interests and emotions. It is based on charm, slickness, catchy messages and charisma, and therefor very effective. In contrast the factual science-based approach to develop a narrative is far more restrictive as it needs to be based on data, on falsifiable hypotheses and complex details that are regularly revised, changed and fine-tuned as new research and data are constantly being discovered. This isn’t a good path for igniting mass interest. Add the fact that corporations control most of the media sources, or have the funds to spread their toxic untrue narrative to an endless degree. We can start to understand why we are failing.

In the case of the climate change narrative a further dose of distraction, intentional misinterpretation, suppression of facts, dubious think tanks, pseudo-experts, and more, have even further distorted the odds. For those who are interested in more details can read an interesting book titled “Merchants of Doubt” or watch the documentary of the same name. This book reveals the history of corporate public relations efforts to cast doubt, confusion and skepticism around genuine scientific research if that research goes against their self-interest.

merchants of doubt book

Merchants of Doubt book

The interesting thing that one notices when reading the book is how similar has been the doubt-generating approach to diverse topics and issues from DDT pesticides to ozone depleting CFC´s, from acid rain to the flame-retardants industry. All used the corporate narratives to create doubt and skepticism on the existence of a problem, leading to major delays is solving these issues. The first step to solving any problem is agreeing that there is a problem. If the problem is ignored for long enough, then the solution of what it will take to stop this crisis, can well be ignored. The case that really stands out in the book is that of tobacco industry. The strategies used today for casting doubt on climate change were so similar to the strategies for fudging the health impacts of tobacco. There is even an overlap of the actual pseudo-experts involved. If you can sell big tobacco´s narrative, you can sell any narrative.

Also the reason why tobacco is an important case study is because they wrote the book on using public relations to keep the reality and consequences well hidden. An infamous 1969 tobacco executive memo explained it best by saying “Doubt is our product since it is the best means of competing with the ‘body of fact’ that exists in the minds of the general public. It is also the means of establishing a controversy.”

The science was clear already in 1950 with numerous studies showing the link between cancer and tobacco. By the end of the 1950s, even the tobacco´s own research had concluded that their product was addictive and caused cancer. In the light of this the tobacco industry realized that denying the harms of smoking would not be enough or effective as a sales strategy. Instead it was important to insist that there were “two sides” to the story and to use the transient and changing nature of science in their favour. It got heavily involved in funding opposing research and partnering with research institutions, and even created some such as the Tobacco Industry Research Committee (TIRC). At least the link with the TIRC was clear, most of the funding was not made known it came from the tobacco industry so to seem independent. Some of the research was heavily base, but some was genuine and good, such as the link between genetics and cancer, but the use of the research was to create alternative hypothesis to better develop doubt.

They developed a diverse and intense advertising campaigns becoming the biggest advertisers in sports and other sectors. They used influential professions such as getting doctors to support the use of tobacco or at least to claim that they smoked. It is technically not a lie, but one can see the problem from miles away. They sponsor celebrities, and sell lifestyles. They were among the first to link up with Hollywood for product placement in movies. The 80´s superman movies had Superman and even Lois Lane (confident girlfriend) smoke for the first time in the franchise and throughout the movies there were Malboro adverts.

All this allowed the tobacco industry to avoid regulation, legislation, liaibility, etc, but more sadly it allow the continued delay to solving the problem and must always keep in mind that when one says delays it mean much more than time, it often mean loss of life.

Climate change has followed the same strategy and the fossil fuel industries and others have been successfully delaying action and capturing our global spaces such as the UNFCCC to the point where even thought the last IPCC report on climate change highlighted the severe and shocking state of our climate and called for drastic action, we still do not expect much of the Paris COP, which is where we met to get some form of international agreement. We have the facts, we know what needs to be done, but our leaders do not want to do it….and the general public in the critical countries like the USA are “doubtful” of the true causes of climate change. Many still doubt  if climate change really exists or not. It may seem like a joke to us, but it is true in many parts of USA. It also help to deny climate change when accepting it means changing some of the excesses of consumption that has become part and parcel of the American way of life and a path that many of our elites have adopted and even elaborated on.

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Stop global warming! Roads sign in Muscat, Oman, September 2009

Now this may seem like a global issue with big players outside the reality of Mozambique, but many of these tricks and strategies are being used day-by-day with us, with Mozambique´s civil society. Its was used when dealing with the illegal logging, the gas, the coal and much more. It is currently happening with Prosavana, one of the largest land grabs in Africa, were civil society has identified numerous fatal flaws and have asked for a halt to the project. The government has done numerous fancy looking documents showing the benefits. It has done a master plan with all the correct language of sustainability, equity, community empowerment, gender sensitivity, etc…They know what to say and they know that what they say and what they do doesn´t have to be the same. Once the project has started its almost impossible to stop, so they just need to say the right thing until the ball gets rolling.

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Coal mining dust in Tete province, Mozambique

Hence, the government has shown a willingness to sit down and discuss. “Let’s not be extreme, they say. “Let’s not halt the project, but find a solution to improve this Prosavana program, work together, etc. It places civil society in a situation where if we say no it makes us look stubborn and feeds the notions of being extreme. The truth is that while we sit down and discuss, chat and work together the project continues. Word stay words and nothing changes in reality. We increase the credibility of the project as they can claim civil society participations. We have been there and have done that too many times.

Let me put it in a simpler way. If I served you a fish that was rotten, you would not accept it and send it back. My reaction should be to say sorry and getting something new, but instead of me throwing it out I say let us talk about it, let us fix the problem. Well I can put salt and piri-piri to help improve the taste and a lot of garlic to improve the smell. Let us not be extreme and compromise. Would you now eat the rotten fish? Didn’t think so. Hence we should find ways ourselves having to discuss projects and issues that are fundamentaly flawed and which affect so many people so deeply. It because the fish is only a few meticais so we can throw it out, but these projects and issues are millions of dollars and that is enough to buy over morality.

The later the change occurs the less impact it has and the slower the results. Do not forget that these issues are linked to peoples’ lives. In the case of climate change one must not forget when we discuss this limit or that limit, we are basically discussing if a few million people can die or many millions can die, that how sever the situation is if we delay action or do too little too late. Do not let the powers at be take us on these endless roundabouts while they continue to impact peoples’ lives.

 

“Portucel unveils the largest plant nursery in Africa”

This was the title of one of the numerous news reports portraying the inauguration of the largest plant nursery in Africa … Truth be told, the biggest nursery of eucalyptus trees which will be used for monoculture plantations and will have many negative impacts. But, hey, let’s celebrate; after all we now have in Mozambique the largest something in Africa! A huge nursery of eucalyptus! Yuuupiii!!!

Interestingly, none of the articles that I was able to get my hands on made reference to our government’s commitment to exotic species plantations, nor to the huge and confessed pride that our current government feels for these new conquests, to the point that it’s the president himself who inaugurates it.

Parts of the President’s opening speech was broadcast on television (STV nightly news on September 8th). I confess that it surprised me quite a lot to hear what the President thinks of the issues that have been raised regarding employment positions in Portucel, alleged cases of land grabbing and also about the motivations of the NGOs working with some communities in the area… Mr. President, I prefer to believe that the news piece was poorly edited, because certainty you could never speak of these issues as it was presented, surely, because a President of all Mozambicans as you are, Sir, would obviously never refer to these NGOs and people in such manner without ever having heard what they really think and why they think like that. The President asked Portucel workers if they were happy, or whether they preferred to continue in poverty without jobs, and said that those who work with them (referring to those NGOs) do not want to see the region develop, they want to keep them in poverty while they themselves “live well” … Oh Mr. President, who lives well??? Mr. President knows as well as we do that most people who work and live honestly do not live well, they merely survive, and some not even that! What is living well Mr. President? Is it to live in fear of expressing yourself openly and then be summoned to court and be accused of crimes against the state? And what about all the injustices we witness every day, are we not allowed to talk about them? Is living well being afraid of talking too much and then one day, while you are out for a walk, getting shot by a hitman following some faceless coward’s order? Or is living well, to live in apartments that look more like prisons than anything else, with burglar bars and locks, afraid of everything and everyone, due to the complete inefficiency of our police in protecting us? Or is living well having to wait for hours to be cared for in a hospital and when your turn finally comes the doctor is already so tired that he has no patience left for you? Or is it having to bribe teachers and principals of public schools to get a place for your child to study, and dream of a better life? Is this how we live well Mr. President? Who lives well Mr. President? Many of us live rather better than most, but living well requires a number of conditions that we lack …

You know as well as we do that those who live well are some of the members of your government, with their salaries and numerous subsidies at the expense of the same people who you now want to silence with a handful of precarious jobs. Those who live well are our members of parliament, who vote for more and more benefits for themselves, which the people contest but it goes forward anyway! And why Mr. President? Why do we continue to turn a blind eye to these injustices? Why do we accept that some have so much and others nothing? Why do the people have to settle for a job with low pay, often seasonal, while their representatives are entitled to the absurd benefits we all know about? Why are we perpetuating poverty in a country with so much wealth? One of our greatest assets is our land, where thousands of peasants produce food everyday. Land which we see being so lightly “lent” to the many, many investment projects, often against the will of the people… If Portucel jobs are so good, and life is now so much better thanks to Portucel’s arrival, maybe it would not be a bad idea to send there some of our many members of parliament for an internship there, paid of course, since we do not agree with any form of exploitation… Who knows, maybe then the President would realize that, after all, those jobs are not that good…

Mr. President, we are on the same side, we work for social and environmental justice, because we believe that together we can help build a country that we can all be proud of, where we can all live well and not just a few!

Mr. President, you posed questions to Portucel employees, but did you really expect people to answer honestly and tell you that the job is not safe, or that the salary is too low, or that they thought they were going to get more than 1500 Meticais ($32 according to current exchange rates!) in return for their farms, as they tell us (those pesky NGOs!). I find it hard to believe that someone would have the courage to, given the situation, say things were not good and instead say what they would actually prefer that… And you know why Mr. President? Because your question was not raised to be answered, your question was merely to convince others that all is well… and your considerations regarding the NGOs and the people who work with the communities were incorrect and unjust, and coming from you Mr. President, even more incorrect, because after all you are the President of all Mozambicans, including those that you criticized without ever knowing, those who you say live well and only want to delay the development of the region and maintain the communities in poverty. We are also part of those that you criticized, and I am sorry to tell you Mr. President, but you are misinformed.

A project so wonderful speaks for itself, surely does not need anyone to come defend it, as it has been happening with Portucel. A project so wonderful does not need any effort to discredit anybody because the facts speak for themselves!

If you want to hear the people, approach them humbly, be spontaneous, do not allow everything to be planned to the smallest detail, like who can talk and what can be talked about, complaints which we have heard, whether they are true or not, we cannot say, but we believe you have ways to find out Sir…

Long live democracy!

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Children from Portucel-affected communities. Photo credit: Justiça Ambiental

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One of Portucel’s monoculture exotic plantations. Photo credit: Justiça Ambiental

 

Jindal coal mining affected villagers revolt!

Last Tuesday, 12 May, hundreds of Jindal coal mining affected communities, held a spontaneous protest and paralysed the activities of the company. The protestors came from the 500 families of Cassoca villages, Luane, Cassica, Dzinda and Gulu, who are directly affected by the coal mine operated by Indian company JINDAL. JA! staff Mafigo Borges based in Tete was present for the protests, and recorded the short video available on JA facebook page. The video reveals how fed up the communities are with the way they are being treated.

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Still shot from the video

The communities were protesting against the violation of their rights and against the failure of the promises made when the arrival of the mining company in the region. According to the communities, resettlement promises of agricultural land, employment and better living conditions, are today completely lacking, a situation that is compounded by the fact that these communities continue to live within the mine concession area subject to inhumane living conditions and are fully exposed to all impacts stemming from the operation of an open pit coal mine. These families are forced to breathe air polluted by coal clouds, consume contaminated water and they have less and less land to farm, their only source of livelihood.

Tired of being ignored, the women, men and children of these families rose up against the company, which has taken away land, has not provided any alternative housing or livelihood, has denied the right to a clean and healthy environment which is enshrined by law. There are constant reports of outbreaks of respiratory diseases and other health complications, said to affect both people and animals.

Till date, the company has been unwilling to provide any clarification. The government of Mozambique has often defended the company’s interests to the detriment of the interests and needs of the people. Some select local leaders, being the only ones to benefit from employment in the company, then control and repress the people, thus causing humiliation, abuse and marginalization for these families already impoverished. The communities have no free access to and contact with civil society and human rights institutions. It is as if, by living within the mining concession, communities have also been privately owned by the company.

This was neither the first nor the second time that the people have revolted. Since the beginning of the JINDAL operations, these demonstrations have been occurring regularly. In fact, the first one had shamefully taken place just days before then President Armando Guebuza personally inaugurated the immoral and illegal Jindal mine. This was just the formal inauguration, as we know that the mine was already operating before the Environmental Impact Study was approved.

But on 12 May, women with stones in their hands and children in their arms, men and kids with sticks, drums and other instruments, burned tyres on the roads and marched and chanted in the local language. Their songs and chants mirrored their dissatisfaction and helplessness:

“Even in our own land, JINDAL is making us suffer”

“Suca JINDAL Suca!” (curses)
As usual, in order to stop the demonstration, JINDAL called the Rapid Intervention Unit and the Civil Protection Police, which protects the safety of the private mining company. These so-called forces of public protection, fired several live ammunition into the air in an attempt to disperse the protesters, who refused to accept the order. The community remained defiant and fearless until the Marara district administrator arrived, and took responsibility to discuss their concerns with the company.

These families want nothing more than enjoy their right to a dignified life. Something that is constantly denied them in the name of development.

Maputo Declaration of African Civil Society on Climate Justice

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Climate justice advocates, community peoples and mass movements’ representatives met in Maputo, Mozambique from 21-23 April 2015 to consider the roots, manifestations and impacts of climate change on Africa and to consider needed responses to the crises.

At the end of the deliberations it was agreed that Africa is disproportionately impacted by the climate crisis although she has not significantly contributed to the problem. The conference also noted that the climate crisis is systemic in nature and is a result of defective economic and political systems that require urgent overhaul. In particular, the meeting considered that Africa has been massively plundered over the centuries and continues to suffer severe impacts from resource exploitation and related conflicts.

The meeting noted that the Africa Rising narrative is based on the faulty premises of neoliberalism using tools like discredited measures of GDP and is presented as a bait to draw the continent deeper into extractivism and to promote consumerism.

The meeting further noted human and environmental rights abuses on the continent, as well as the ecological, economic, financial crises, all adversely affect her peoples and impair their capacity to adapt to, mitigate impacts and build collective resilience to climate change.

The meeting frowned at the widening gap between our governments and the grassroots and the increasing corporate capture of African governments and public institutions. These constitute obstacles to the securing climate justice for our peoples.

The long walk to climate justice requires mass education of our populace, as well as our policy makers, on the underpinnings of the climate crisis, the vigorous assertion of our rights and the forging ahead with real alternatives including those of social and political structures and systems. It also demands collective and popular struggles to resist neo-colonialism, new forms of oppression and new manifestations of violence including criminalisation of activists and social movements, and xenophobia. We recognise that as climate change worsens, it will increase the resource crunch and migrations and will lead to more conflicts between people. We also recognise that the exploitation of migrant labour by corporations often leads to conflicts between neighbouring countries.

With justice and equality as the irreducible minimum, the conference further noted and declared as follows:

  1. All nations must act together to ensure that global average temperature rise does not go beyond 1.5 degrees Celsius above preindustrial levels as anything beyond that will mean a burning of Africa;
  1. In Paris COP21, we demand that African governments defend positions that benefit Africans not the World Bank or corporations;
  1. We reject carbon markets, financialisation of land and natural resources, consumerism and commodification of nature, and all forms of carbon slavery;
  1. We reject all false solutions to climate change including, Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation (REDD), industrial tree plantations, genetic engineering, agrofuels and geoengineering, noting, for example, that clean coal does not exist;
  1. We reject the false notion of “green economy” that is nothing but a ploy to commodify and hasten the destruction of nature;
  1. Renewable energy that is socially controlled must be promoted across the continent.
  1. We call for the creation of financial systems that promote and facilitate clean energy options including by supporting subsidies, facilitated loans, research and development;
  1. We demand an end to financial systems built on extensive subsidies, externalisation of costs, over-optimistic projections, and corruption;
  1. We resolve to work towards reclaiming energy as a public good that is not for profit and reject corporations-driven energy systems;
  1. We say no to mining as we lived better without extreme extractive activities.
  1. Our land is our present and our future livelihood and we reject land grabbing in all its forms including particularly for so-called “investment” projects that are setting the path beyond land grabbing to a full continent grab;
  1. There must be full, transparent and prior informed consent of communities before the use of their lands for any sort of projects;
  1. In all cases the welfare of local communities and our environment must come be prioritised over the profits of investment companies.

In line with the above and through other considerations, the conference demands as follows:

  1. Governments must ensure that the energy needs and priorities of local households, local producers and women – including with regard to social services, transport, health, education and childcare – should be privileged over those of corporations and the rich;
  1. We demand that no new oil exploration permits or coal mines should be granted in order to preserve our environment and to keep in line with demands by science that fossil fuels be left in the ground if we are to avoid catastrophic climate change;
  1. We call for and support public and social control of the transition to renewable energy, including by community-based cooperatives, civil society collectives and the provision of local level infrastructure;
  1. Governments must dismantle the barriers of privilege and power including those created and reinforced by financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank;
  1. We demand urgent technology transfer for clean energy production, the abolishment of intellectual property and increased research and development funds to tackle climate change;
  1. We demand full recognition of local community knowledge of forests, food production, medicinal and cultural uses of land and forests; funding of research in this area and use as part of the public education system;
  1. We demand an urgent transition from dirty energy forms to clean energy systems while ensuring that workers are properly equipped and provided with new healthy jobs created by this shift;
  1. Governments must support agro-ecological food production in the hands of small scale producers, prioritise food production over cash crops in order to promote food security in the context of food sovereignty;
  1. Governments to ensure the protection and recognition of farmers’ rights to save, sell and exchange their seeds while rejecting genetic engineering and synthetic biology, including of those seeds manipulated and presented as being climate smart;
  1. Ensure access, security, control, and right to use land for women. We recognise land as a common good;
  1. Tree plantations must not be misrepresented as forests and trees must not be seen simply as carbon stocks, sinks or banks;
  1. Community forest management systems should be adopted across the continent as communities have a genuine stake in preserving the health of forests;
  1. The right to clean water should be enshrined in the constitutions of all African countries;
  1. Governments must halt the privatisation of water and restore public control in already privatised ones;
  1. Governments should halt the building of big dams, other mega structures and unnecessary infrastructure;
  1. Governments should be responsible for holding corporations accountable for all environments degraded by ongoing or historical extractive and other polluting activities. Corporations who have created this contamination must pay to clean it up, but their payment does not constitute ownership of these environments;
  1. Governments to ensure the cost of social and health ills by using energy derived from fossil fuels are not externalised to the people and the environment;
  1. Governments must take up the responsibility of providing hospitals, schools and other social services and not leave these for corporations to provide as corporate social responsibility or other green washing acts.

Conference participants resolved to work with other movements in Africa and globally for the overturning of the capitalist patriarchal system promoted and protected by the global financial institutions, corporations and the global elite to secure the survival of humans and the rights of Mother Earth to maintain her natural cycles.

Signatures:

(A). Signers who participated in the meeting:

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(B). Organisations that signed in solidarity after the meeting: 

  1. Southern Africa Green Revolutionary Council (SAGRC)
  2. GRAIN
  3. COECOCEIBA – Friends of the Earth Costa Rica
  4. Friends of the Earth Latin America and the Caribbean (ATALC)
  5. Friends of the Earth Brasil
  6. Sobrevivencia – Friends of the Earth Paraguay
  7. Movimiento Madre Tierra – Friends of the Earth Honduras
  8. Otros Mundos Chiapas – Friends of the Earth México
  9. CESTA – Friends of the Earth El Salvador
  10. CEIBA – Friends of the Earth Guatemala
  11. CENSAT Agua Viva – Friends of the Earth Colombia
  12. NAPE – Friends of the Earth Uganda
  13. Russian Social Ecological Union / Friends of the Earth Russia
  14. Friends of the Siberian Forests Russia
  15. Oilwatch International
  16. Oilwatch Africa
  17. Carbon Trade Watch
  18. Chalimbana Headwaters Conservation Trust, Zimbabwe
  19. Gaia Foundation
  20. United Methodist Caretakers of God’s Creation.
  21. Mupo Foundation
  22. Surplus People Project
  23. Movimiento Mesoamericano contra el Modelo extractivo Minero ­M4
  24. The Inter­American Platform for Human Rights, Democracy and Development (PIDHDD)
  25. Holy Cross International Justice Office
  26. The Corner House
  27. Global Justice Now
  28. Biofuelwatch, UK/US
  29. Corporate Europe Observatory
  30. Woodland League (Ireland)
  31. Consumers Association of Penang (Malaysia)
  32. Institute for Policy Studies, Climate Policy Programme (USA)
  33. Earth in Brackets
  34. Grassroots International
  35. The Rules
  36. INT Lawyers (International Lawyers)
  37. Khulumani Support Group (South Africa)
  38. Global Forest Coalition
  39. World Rainforest Movement
  40. Young Friends of the Earth Europe
  41. CCFD-Terre Solidaire
  42. The Union Of Agriculture Work Committees (UAWC) in Palestine
  43. One Million Climate Jobs Campaign
  44. International Development Exchange (IDEX)
  45. Oilwatch Latin America
  46. Friends of the Earth Togo
  47. Centre pour l’Environnement et le Development Cameroun (CEDCAM) / Friends of the Earth Cameroon

Children are the stars as JA Celebrates International Forests Day

As we had announced, this year our celebration of the Forests Day on 21 March was different, as it was dedicated to the children, not adults!!

21 de Marco - dia das florestas

It was a fun day with lots of playful activities and joy, with many opportunities to introduce and discuss with kids the importance of our forests, the importance of conserving these ecosystems and of the environment in general, always highlighting that people and communities are a part of it.

A boa disposicao do nosso pessoal

We were all touched by the happiness of the children!! And our staff & volunteers enjoyed too!!

The event took place at the Parque dos Professores (Teachers Park), starting at 10am until 4 pm, and was organized in partnership with the Livro Aberto (Open Book) Association and supported by the participation and dedication of AMOR (Mozambican Recycling Association), Kosmoz, Mr. Rafo Diaz, the boys from the orphanage Casa do Gaiato and several tireless volunteers.

Mesa Amor e o Vai e VemCasa do Gaiato no dia das Florestas

The objective of this initiative was to use fun activities to raise awareness among children, Mozambique’s future generation, about the importance of our forests, and the conservation of our environment in general.

The activities for children included:

1. Making Bracelets with re-used plastic water bottles and strips of bright capulana (much-loved traditional Mozambican cloth)

Pulseiras com garrafas plásticas e recortes de capulana

2. Drawing trees and decorating them using motifs from old magazines;

Desenhando árvores - recorte e colagem

Making snakes by re-using the cardboard tube of toilet rolls;

Drawing a beautiful forest on canvas, elements of which were painted by many different children throughout the day at their choice and in the end, it illustrated the immense biodiversity and creativity;

O inicio da nossa floresta A nosso floresta 1

Face painting, which did take some courage as none of our staff had any previous experience with this, but it also gave us the opportunity to test the creativity of our colleagues and volunteers;

Reiki 4

In addition to these activities, we had several colouring pages available for the younger children, all with environmental themes;

Uma das muitas criancas que estiveram conosco colorindo!!!

We had a message board which was also a success; many children left their messages each on small cardboard leaves, which together made the tree;

A nossa árvore das mensagens

In addition to the activities that JA and Livro Aberto had organized we also had activities from important partners, who clearly contributed for a rich programme for the day, such as AMOR and Kosmoz.

AMOR is promoting recycling in Mozambique and was present with their great mood, inviting children to learn how to build fun toys from recycled material, such as the “Vai e vem” (literally ‘come & go’ – a toy) with recycled plastic bottles, which was a huge hit with the kids whilst at the same time their volunteers were talking about important environmental concepts.

Amor - ensinando com amor

The Kosmoz (Holistic Platform for Integral Human Development) was well represented, bringing elements of physical and mental well-being of communities.

Demosntração da energia vital- chi da natureza aplicado as artes marciais - kosmoz Demosntração da energia vital- chi da natureza aplicado as artes marciais 2

They had a very rich program that included dances, reiki, yoga exercises in group, educational games with emphasis to nutrition, massage parlour only for children (although the adults really wanted it too!), demonstration of aero yoga and hip hop dance, demonstration of theatre games, demonstration of a chess match, among other activities. The therapists from Kosmoz were present during most of the day providing advice and appointments for children and parents also.

Meditacao em grupo 2 - Kosmoz

We cannot forget the story telling moment in which Mr. Rafo Diaz charmed our children with his magical storytelling talent! Thank you very much Rafo!

Rafo Diaz - Encantando com as suas histórias

We are immensely grateful for the commitment and dedication of our new partners Livro Aberto Association, Amor and Kosmoz, because they believed in the cause and helped us make this day a day to remember!

Meditacao em grupo - Kosmoz

This day was a great example of Mozambican organisations working together for children of all socio-economic backgrounds, who rarely if ever have a chance to come together.

(All photos by Justiça Ambiental)

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